Periods
of economic recession are known to foster protectionist
tendencies. This has been especially marked after
the global crisis, when trade openness has become
a useful battering ram in the developed world, skillfully
used by policy makers and employers to pass the buck
on to the threat posed by foreign producers. The significantly
increased threat of unemployment is then seen - even
by Northern workers - not as the result of domestic
macroeconomic policies that prevent employment from
rising as it feasibly could, but as something determined
by trade patterns, especially exports from the developing
world.
Even so, the recent trade wars over the use of ''green''
technologies are surprising in how extreme and openly
self-contradictory the positions have been. And what
is most surprising - and even alarming and distressing
- is how such thinking has permeated to the working
classes in the North, who now openly identify their
own interests with those of their employers rather
than with workers in developing countries.
The most egregious example of this is probably the
petition that has just been filed by the United Steelworkers
Union of the US under Section 301 of the US trade
laws, against the WTO-inconsistent policies that it
argues that China has employed to move ahead of the
United States as a leading producer and exporter of
green technologies. A more striking example of false
consciousness among the working class (the result
of the systematic misrepresentation of dominant social
relations in the consciousness of subordinate classes
under capitalism) would be hard to find.
Consider first of all the context. There is little
doubt in the minds of most of those who have thought
about it, that green technologies are necessarily
the way of the future. Not only that, they have been
sought to be actively encouraged and even imposed
upon developing countries by the developed world through
treaties such as the Kyoto Protocol and more recent
negotiations around global warming. These all insist
on the need for developing countries to cut carbon
emissions not just in future but even at present,
even though their per capita emissions and overall
resource consumption still remain a tiny fraction
of the emissions and consumption in the developed
world.
Given such insistence, it might be expected that everyone,
including people in the developed countries, would
welcome proactive policies in developing countries
that encourage patterns of production that are ''greener''
and less carbon-intensive. Since China has so often
been identified as the single most important player
in the developing world in this regard, and its growing
carbon emissions and use of resources have been seen
as the big problem, it might also be thought that
if the Chinese government employed strategies designed
to reduce such emission per unit of production, it
would be particularly welcome.
Unfortunately, that is very far from the case. It
turns out that such policies are not just under-appreciated,
they are even being attacked. And the attack is coming
not just from industry lobbies and governments influenced
by them, which is relatively predictable, but from
trade unions that really should know better.
The steelworkers' petition makes several points, only
a few of which are valid, such as the point that China
is increasingly seeking to retain the critical raw
materials derived from rare earth elements and other
minerals, for which it happens to dominate 90 per
cent of global supply. This is clearly undesirable
and should be changed for the benefit of all.
But other arguments made in the petition seem to reflect
more unhappiness that similar strategies are not being
followed by their own government, and therefore end
up attacking the Chinese government for being more
sensible than the US government is currently. It complains
that ''In its economic stimulus package, for example,
China gave more than $216 billion to subsidize green
technologies - more than twice as much as the US spent
in the sector and nearly half of the total ''green''
stimulus spent worldwide.'' Surely that should lead
to an argument for more such spending in other countries,
for what is clearly a critical and necessary form
of public expenditure, rather than a completely invalid
demand for its reduction in China!
Similarly, the petition argues that China provides
export credits (incidentally the US is the leading
global provider of subsidies in the form of export
credits) that are not permitted under the OECD rules.
But China is not a member of the OECD and has not
acceded to these rules, so why should that be a valid
complaint?
The charge that China provides low interest rates
to green producers is also surprising, coming as it
is from a trade union. Surely that is a good thing,
which the same union should be demanding from the
US government, to enable more green production in
the US? In any case, the critical issue is not even
the rate so much as the provision of credit. Since
the crisis, US interest rates have also been very
low, and close to zero - the problem is that credit
in the US has not been forthcoming. That reflects
a failure of the US banking system, which the union
should demand that its own government should address.
The steelworkers' petition cites the example of Evergreen
Solar, a US company that had difficulty raising funds
to open its own plant in China, and so secured financing
from a provincial government fund to enter into a
joint venture agreement in 2009, which requires the
company to license solar wafer technology to the new
venture. As a result, Evergreen is now shifting solar
panel production from its Massachusetts facility to
China. But what the petition does not mention is that
the company struggled for three years to raise money
in the US and could not do so, but had no trouble
doing so in China.
According to the company's Chief Financial Officer,
quoted in the New York Times (''China skirts the rules'',
Keith Bradshaw, September 8 2010), ''you can't get
a penny in the United States, it doesn't matter who
you call - banks, government. It's awful,'' he said.
''Therein lies the hidden advantage of being in China.''
Obviously, therefore, what the union and its friends
should be fighting for is greater access to credit
for their green companies, not reduced credit access
for activities in China which is not just unfair but
globally unproductive and undesirable.
But the very worst part of the petition by the steelworkers'
union relates to the complaints about local content
rules and technology transfer. The petition actually
objects to the exclusion of foreign firms in China
from getting carbon credits and protests against the
technology transfer requirements placed on foreign
firms operating in China. But the essential stated
purpose of the Clean Development Mechanism of the
Kyoto Protocol was the transfer of technology to the
South, and indeed this is the only way that developing
countries can hope to have a cleaner and greener pattern
of development.
The monopoly of technology that is deeply entrenched
in the current system of intellectual property rights
is not just against development and a more equitable
world - it is also fundamentally against the interest
of workers in the North. So it is quite bizarre to
see a workers' union actually try and enforce it.
And of course, the complete absence of a basic sense
of fair play and economic justice in this argument
is absolutely breathtaking.
Clearly, the onslaught of rightwing media has combined
with more insecure economic circumstances to create
great confusion about the real best interests of workers
in the North. All the more reason, then, for progressive
economists in the North to join in calling this ridiculous
bluff.
http://triplecrisis.com/going-green-gets-dirty/
September
24, 2010.
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