The Turkish Social Science Association held an international
symposium on "Acts of Resistance against Globalisation
from the South" in Ankara between the fifth and the
seventh of September 2005. The organisers set the
objective of the symposium as an attempt to discuss
and exchange experiences on "intellectual, academic,
political and social acts of resistance to the domination
of capital taking place at the periphery of the imperialist
system". It was the understanding of the organisers
that the process of so-called globalisation or changes
taking place under the rubric of "neo-liberal policies
or transformations" would be better defined as the
attempt to implement the full, limitless domination
of capital on our societies.
At the opening session it was emphasised that a discussion
on "acts of resistance against globalisation" would
have been impossible a decade ago when so-called globalisation
seemed to be the only destiny for human beings in
the near and far future and any act of resistance
to the inevitable process was ridiculed, considered
totally irrelevant and futile. Since then times have
changed. At the intellectual and, partly, academic
levels, resistance to "established wisdom" resulted
in neo-liberal recipes losing their respectability
and it is now the "TINA" slogan which sounds ridiculous.
Bourgeois academics have been re-discovering Marx
and even the World Bank experts are borrowing (without
reference) Marxian theories of the state (e.g. "crony
capitalism" or "capture of the state by oligarchic
groups") But, more importantly, a younger generation
of left intellectuals from the South are analysing
their societies and the world in a critical and creative
manner. The ugly face of American imperialism has
facilitated their task.
Social resistance is taking place in an effective
manner through internationalisation of the anti-globalisation
movements and, more importantly, at the domestic-national
levels. Limits of resistance to imperialism and international
capital by domestic ruling groups are becoming more
and more clear. Popular classes have shown that their
struggle against the limitless domination of capital
can topple governments or hinder the implementation
of neo-liberal programs. However, the capacity of
working people to carry their aspirations to the political
arena and to induce societal change is confronting
serious barriers.
The foregoing observations, more or less, defined
the framework of the symposium discussions which followed.
There was one consistent theme running across all
the lectures and debates: globalisation is the intensified
practice of imperialism and, because it is a universal
phenomenon, there has to be international cooperation,
coordination and exchange of experience in resistance.
As the new international accumulation dynamic shifts
from a policy of 'beggar thy neighbour' to 'beggar
your own working class,' the contradictions inherent
in the hierarchical international division of labour
have to be challenged by a collective platform of
working people everywhere in the world. While growing
economic disparities tend to create divisions among
the victims of international capital, the exigencies
of social and political struggle demands ever greater
unity among them.
From the worker-operated factories in Argentina and
the anti-privatisation movement in Turkey to the new
phenomenon of housing cooperatives in China and Indian
women's resistance to commodification of marital relations,
the momentum against the rule of capital is building.
Whereas for most of the twentieth century the industrial
working class was concentrated in the developed world,
between 1980 and 2000, the industrial working class
in the third world grew by about two-fold. Sweatshop
labour market conditions in the developing world have
contributed to raising corporate profits to their
highest levels during the last decade of the last
century. Capital's ability to relocate production
around the world expands the private appropriation
of the gains from the development of productive forces,
and from the exploitation of labour in the underdeveloped
countries.
Global capital does not hesitate to aggressively encroach
on and even re-colonise societies. To rephrase Marx,
there is more 'blood and fire' in shifting primitive
capitalist accumulation to the underdeveloped world.
Globally as well, the absolute general law of capitalist
development is in evidence: as technological progress
creates the potential for universal emancipation from
want, it also creates unemployment and misery by displacing
workers, evicting peasants and forcing all toilers
to accept worsening living and working conditions.
Globalization is not the simple extension of capitalism
to the Third World, because capitalist social relations
have existed in the Third World for more than a century.
The current process of globalization gears up less
productive capital in the 'developing' world to the
requirements of its accumulation by extra-economic
and, at times, violent means –thus, in certain respects,
reproducing the pattern of the nineteenth century.
The pace of uneven development and disparities in
incomes and living conditions increases accumulation
in both the core and in the periphery, and the violence
that underlies it. The principal contradiction of
capitalism, which appears now as the contradiction
between globally socialised production and its private
appropriation, is intensifying. A systematic onslaught
of capital is taking place against the social and
economic acquisitions of working people, both in the
North and in the South, realised through class struggles
and national liberation movements since the nineteenth
century. The more aggressive this onslaught, the more
subservient the states become to the rule of capital.
The so-called 'war on terror', a close kin of the
war on Iraq, amounts to an assault on civil liberties
and a display of brutal force to psychologically subjugate
the working peoples around the world. For the US empire
propped by the trinity of guns, oil and the dollar,
dollarizing and controlling oil provides it with a
stranglehold on imperial rivals in the core and rising
powers in the 'developing' world. Global financial
integration and dollarization allow the US to continue
to enjoy budget and external balance deficits, borrow
in its own currency and engage in imperialist aggression.
The US has become a liability to the global financial
system and global capital is, once more, looking for
a soft landing.
The unthinkable withdrawal from Gaza of the Israeli
army, the triumphs of the Bolivarian revolution in
Venezuela, Iran's insistence on its sovereign right
to pursue peaceful nuclear research, the resilience
of the Cuban people under the US trade embargo are
vital signs to note in the struggle against the imperialist
intervention and aggression. The disappointing experience
in some countries demonstrates that the widespread
grassroots organization and mobilization of the masses
is essential to any substantial change in state policies.
The ballot-box is no subsitute for mass political
mobilization.
Supporting the struggle of the Iraqi people for national
liberation should be one of the foremost current concerns
of the international working class. It is impossible
for the US to achieve its political ends in Iraq.
The Iraqi people have experienced and are still undergoing
untold suffering from the first Gulf War, the UN-imposed
embargo, and the invasion and current occupation.
But they are seasoned from their anti-British colonial
struggle and sustained by various forms of social
bonds. The crimes of the US army mount and now, similar
to the Vietnam War, the US is threatening to extend
the war to neighbouring states, Syria and Iran, and
enlisting its local ally Israel in its aggression.
As the contrast between the potential for universal
human prosperity and the demeaning social existence
of toilers under the dictate of capital grows ever
sharper, working people and progressives around the
world face the options of surrendering to the present
social order based on competition, greed and exploitation,
or of demolishing it to build a new world based on
the universal human values of egalitarianism, solidarity,
cooperation and freedom.
October 18, 2005. |