The US Senate and House members recently
agreed on a six-year farm bill that would increase subsidy payments and
benefit mainly the country's biggest grain and cotton farmers. While claiming
to promote free trade through the WTO, the US and EU have been protecting
their farmers with subsidies that are "non-violative" because
they are ostensibly non-trade distorting. In actual fact, American agricultural
policy distorts food prices, frustrates innovation, limits product diversity
and subsidises a select group of farmers at enormous public cost. Its
inherent protectionist qualities confound American efforts to reduce protectionism
abroad and gain access to new markets. However, while the EU is up in
arms, protesting against the rise in subsidies in the US, it itself is
guilty of subsidising its farmers. In fact farm subsidies in the EU have
been historically much higher than those in the US. In 1999 total support
to farmers in the EU was to the tune of US $ 126 billion. The European
Union's farm subsidies have drawn the harshest attacks from critics, who
include left-wing activists, academic economists, World Bank officials
and right-wing free-marketers. But thanks to the farm bill that President
Bush has signed into law on May 13, U.S. agriculture policy may rival
Europe's as the most reviled among experts on Third World economies, especially
since it runs counter to the Bush administration's free-trade rhetoric.
The provisions of the US Farm Bill 2002 include:
- SUBSIDY PAYMENTS: It raises subsidy
payments to large cotton and grain farmers, without the significant
payment limits passed by the Senate. To restrict payments to the wealthy
farmers, the Senate wanted to limit subsidy payments to US $ 275,000
per farmer. However, after negotiations, the limit was raised to US
$ 360,000, that too with enough exceptions to make the limit symbolic.
- CONSERVATION PAYMENTS: It dedicates $17
billion over 10 years to preserve farmland, save wetlands and improve
water quality and soil conservation on farms.
- FOOD STAMPS: It increases food stamp
benefits for working American families and restores the rights of legal
immigrants to receive them.
- DAIRY PROGRAMME: It creates a new national
$1.3 billion dairy program to replace the lapsed Northeast dairy compact.
- FOOD LABELLING: It requires that starting
in two years all meat and fish produce be labelled with its country
of origin.
The Bill is estimated to cost more than US $100 billion during the next
six years and $180 billion over a 10-year period, though many budget experts
believe the expenditure will be even higher. This marks a complete reversal
of the attempt made by the US Congress six years ago, through the 1996
Freedom to Farm Law, to eliminate subsidies and let the market dictate
prices and production levels. Agricultural spending is expected to swell
by nearly 80 per cent over the cost of existing programmes. While US $17
billion has been dedicated over the next decade to preserve farmland,
save wetlands and improve water quality and soil conservation on working
farms, bulk of the money will go to subsidise the inefficient rich farmers
of the United States.
The Senate agreed to lower the demand for spending on conservation programmes
from US $ 21 billion to US $ 17 billion. Though, as a compromise, it managed
to include in the farm bill increased spending on food stamps, an expanded
nutrition programme and restoration of entitlement of legal immigrants
to food stamps. The amount budgeted for this purpose is US $ 6.4 billion.
This seems to be the only part of the bill that is going to help the relatively
marginalised sections of the population.
However, it is the rich farmers who walked away with most of the benefits
that would accrue from the new farm bill. Some 10 per cent of the nation's
farmers receive an overwhelming share of all subsidy payments with three
percent of the farms getting two-thirds of the subsidies. Apart from the
cotton and grain producers, peanut farmers will get a subsidy of US $
3 billion. Besides, a US $ 1 billion buyout of the old peanut price support
system has been announced. The government would pay to "buy out"
many of those same farmers and others who hold lucrative licenses, known
as quotas, to grow peanuts. Under the current 70-year-old subsidy system,
only 1.5 million acres can be used for planting peanuts for domestic consumption,
and the quotas to farm those acres have grown increasingly valuable. The
old peanut quota system guaranteed the producers US $610 a ton for their
peanuts. However, since signing of the NAFTA, American peanuts are facing
increasing competition from Canadian peanut (mainly peanut butter) and
Mexican raw nuts. With the guaranteed prices being too high compared to
prices of products from these countries, the US government has drafted
a new plan under which the government would buy up those quotas from their
owners, who could then continue growing peanuts under the new subsidy
system. Receiving a quota buyout would not prevent a farmer from continuing
to grow peanuts or receiving federal subsidies. The bills in Congress
would treat peanuts like many other crops, setting a "base'' amount
of peanuts guaranteed to receive a minimum price. For the first time,
the taxpayers will make up the difference if market prices are below the
guaranteed minimum.
A new dairy subsidy worth US $1.3 billion has also been allowed for. Fruit
and vegetable growers in California however remain a neglected lot so
far as farm subsidies are concerned. While till date these growers managed
with little to nil subsidies, global competition is now threatening to
invade the markets where Californian products are being sold.
Further the cause of small farmers has been dealt a body blow in the US
Farm Bill 2002. The proposed subsidies are not going to improve the condition
of owners of small and medium sized plots of cultivable land in rural
America. Funds for conservation programmes that reach small farmers have
seen a US $ 5 billion decline. The family farm has pretty much been lost,
and this bill does nothing to bring it back.
The table below provides some indication of the extent to which US growers
of different crops are subsidised. In most crops loan rates plus direct
payments add up to more than ninety per cent of the target price. In the
US the loan rate serves as a floor price for participating farmers in
the sense that they can default on their loan and forfeit their crop to
the Commodity Credit Corporation rather than sell it in the open market
at a lower price.
Loan Rates, Direct Payments and Target
Prices for Covered Commodities in the US
|
Loan
Rate |
Direct Payment
|
Target
Price
|
2002-2003
|
2004-2007
|
2002-2007
|
2002-2003
|
2004-2007 |
Corn (bu) |
$1.98
|
$1.95
|
$0.28 |
$2.60
|
$2.63 |
Sorghum
(bu)
|
$1.98
|
$1.95
|
$0.35
|
$2.54
|
$2.57 |
Barley
(bu)
|
$1.88
|
$1.85
|
$0.24
|
$2.21
|
$2.24 |
Oats
(bu)
|
$1.35
|
$1.33
|
$0.024
|
$1.40
|
$1.44 |
Wheat
(bu)
|
$2.80
|
$2.75
|
$0.52
|
$3.86
|
$3.92 |
Soybeans
(bu)
|
$5.00
|
$5.00
|
$0.44
|
$5.80
|
$5.80 |
Minor
Oilseeds (lb)
|
$.0960
|
$.0930
|
$0.0080 |
$0.0980 |
$0.1010
|
Cotton (lb) |
$.5200 |
$.5200
|
$0.0667 |
$0.7240
|
$0.7240 |
Rice (cwt) |
$6.50 |
$6.50
|
$2.35
|
$10.50
|
$10.50 |
The measures are a blatant attempt to buy votes in the Farm Belt. The
payment limits have been hiked above the Senate recommended levels. Armed
with such six-figure federal payments, large farms are driving small farmers
to the brink of extinction. Since the last farm bill hundreds of big farmers
and absentee landlords have received millions of dollars in subsidies.
Such subsidies have often been used by the recipients to buy out the small
family farms the subsidy programme was originally intended to save. Even
Republican lawmakers have repudiated the farm bill, saying its lavish
subsidies would bring price-crushing crop surpluses and do little to close
loopholes for the corporate farmers who already receive roughly 80 per
cent of annual subsidies.
Farmers in just six states — Iowa, Illinois, Texas, Kansas, Nebraska
and Minnesota — will receive almost half of these payments. Most
of the subsidies go towards corn, wheat, cotton, rice and soybeans and
the protected speciality products like milk, sugar and peanuts. In states
where these products are not grown, most farmers are out of luck. For
example, in California only 9 percent of farmers receive subsidies; in
Florida, only 8 percent; and in New Jersey, only 7 percent.
A study by the Congressional Office of Technology Assessment concluded,
"Communities that are surrounded by farms that are larger than can
be operated by a family have a bimodal income distribution with a few
wealthy elites, a majority of poor laborers and virtually no middle class."
Republican lawmakers have repudiated the farm bill, saying its lavish
subsidies would bring price-crushing crop surpluses and do little to close
loopholes for the corporate farmers who already receive roughly 80 percent
of annual subsidies.
Analysts have also predicted that these huge subsidies will have little
effect in terms of lowering prices of commodities on the supermarket shelves
in the US. The existing subsidies are partly paid for by implicitly taxing
the consumers and the remaining part is borne by taxpayers. While there
is no mention of any reduction in the implicit tax on consumers, it has
been mentioned that the higher subsidies will mostly be borne by taxpayers.
So while there may not be any increase in prices consumers have to pay,
there is no reason to think that prices will come down either. The grain
companies are likely to benefit the most while taxpayers have to shell
out higher taxes to pay for the hike in farm subsidies.
Some Commodity-wise Implications
The United States is a major wheat exporting country. In 2001-02 the country
exported more than 24 million tonnes of wheat, about a quarter of the
total wheat exports worldwide. While this is the lowest the US has exported
in 30 years (owing to falling area and yield), the farm subsidies proposed
in the Farm Bill will no doubt propel output and hence the exportable
surplus is bound to rise. This will further depress international wheat
prices, and rule out exports from countries which cannot subsidise their
wheat producers.
In rice, the US has a share of about 12 per cent in world exports, which,
though not as high as the share in wheat, is nevertheless significant
enough to affect world prices. In 2001-02 the US exported 2.8 million
tonnes of rice, up 50, 000 tonnes from the year before.
Corn output in the US is also expected to rise 11 million tonnes during
2002-03 as the corn growers emerge as one of the biggest gainers from
the US Farm Bill. Export of corn from the US in 2001-02 was 49 million
tonnes, and is expected to go up by another 4.5 million tonnes during
the current year.
World coarse grain export is expected to be around 99 million tonnes during
the current year, implying that the US has a share of almost 60 per cent
of the world coarse grains market. Similarly out of a total world soyabean
export of about 59 million tonnes, the share of the US is about 27.8 million
tonnes, or more than 47 per cent of the total export of soyabean.
Finally, the US produces about 20 per cent of the world's cotton and in
2001-02 accounted for 11 million bales (of 480 lb. each) of exports when
the total world export figure stood at 29.258 million bales. While a fall
in domestic production may not allow the US to step up cotton exports
immediately, being a key player in the world cotton market, any change
in the exportable surplus owing to a subsidy-backed output increase will
definitely have a downward pressure on world cotton prices in the future.
As is evident, in almost all the crops for which there have been significant
hikes in subsidies under the US Farm Bill 2002, the US has a significant
share of the world export market. So any change in output and exportable
surplus in the US of these crops is bound to affect availability, and
hence prices of these crops in the international market.
In his presidential campaign Mr. Bush had said that a more market-driven
approach is the best way to ensure a strong, growing and vibrant agricultural
sector in the long run. The subsidy hikes however run contrary to such
market optimism. Australia has accused the United States of violating
WTO provisions. Warren Truss, the Agriculture Minister of Australia has
said that the US has returned to the worst protectionist excesses of the
1980s and has called the US Farm Bill “an act of terror on Australian
producers and growers.”
However, the Bill has found mild support in those Asian countries which
import food items. Australia and the US are strong rivals in wheat and
cotton exports to Asian markets and importing countries like South Korea
expect prices of US food items to fall owing to the increased subsidies
US farmers will now get. Traders from the Philippines are hoping for lower
prices of wheat, soyabean and corn.
While the competitive advantage developing countries will have in agriculture
once all subsidies are removed by developed countries has been repeatedly
harped on to entice developing countries into joining the WTO, the developed
world has found means to constantly increase agricultural subsidies, ignoring
or bypassing WTO rules and regulations. Now, with even the Cairns Group
of countries, including Australia, protesting against the US Farm Bill,
it is time the developing world puts up a united fight against such gross
violations of WTO norms by the richer countries and demands that they
fall in line. Otherwise, the inherently iniquitous WTO regime would prove
even more damaging to their economic futures. More so if the US bill prompts
other rich countries to follow the U.S. lead and increase farm subsidies.
May 17, 2002.
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