It is sad and surprising that among
the deluge of comments and letters on Greece in the European papers in
the last few weeks, not one has gotten the most crucial point about the
crisis. Most commentators treat Greece's domestic problems and those of
other southern members of the European Monetary Union (EMU) as if they
were totally unrelated to external trade within and outside EMU. But even
the few who mentioned the huge external imbalances inside EMU and their
contribution to creating an unsustainable fiscal situation have not provided
the basis for a proper judgment about misdoings and wrongdoers. The budget
deficits may be a big problem but it is the external imbalance that could
lead to dissolution of the EMU if strong corrective action is not taken
soon. As long as important wrongdoers are able to hide behind the flawed
mainstream theory of flexible labour markets, strong political action
is not on the cards.
Greece's current account deficit already had reached nearly 15 per cent
of GDP in 2007 and has come down slightly due to falling imports in the
recession. What has gone wrong? Between 2000 and 2010, Greece's net exports
were sluggish but domestic demand rose at a healthy 2.3 per cent according
to EU Commission estimates. Real compensation to labour increased at 1.9
per cent per employee annually, a little less than productivity. Unit
labour costs, the most important measure of international competitiveness
between members of a currency union, advanced at a rate of 2.8 per cent
per annum and reached a level of 130 in 2010 if 2000 is 100.
On the other hand, the biggest country in the Union, Germany, accumulated
a huge current account surplus in the same period, culminating at 8 per
cent in 2007. What has gone right? Between 2000 and 2010, Germany's net
exports exploded but domestic demand stagnated with an insignificant annual
increase of 0.2 per cent. Stagnant real compensation - at 0.4 per cent,
its growth fell far behind productivity growth - explains the sluggish
domestic demand since the expected employment creation did not follow
from wage restraint. Unit labour costs in Germany rose only marginally
in the decade, reaching a level of 105 in 2010.
This simply means that the production of a comparable good or service
that was produced at the same cost in 2000 in all the member states of
EMU and could be sold at the same price now costs 25 per cent more if
it comes from Greece than if it is produced in Germany. The difference
is similar for Spain, Portugal and Italy, 13 per cent for France and 23
per cent for Ireland. Now, some people like the President and the chief
economist of the European Central Bank hold that the difference is not
relevant as Germany had absolute disadvantages before the beginning of
EMU, mainly due to the burden of the German unification. However, logic
says otherwise. If your belt tightening only makes up for absolute disadvantages,
you will not end up with absolute advantages. But this exactly is the
German case. Germany is the only big country in Europe that was able to
stabilize its global market share in the first decade of this century,
whereas all the others lost dramatically.
That leads to the final line of German defense, namely that high unemployment
has justified the German wage dumping and still does. Wrong again, unemployment
in Germany has fallen but it is still as high as in other countries as
the domestic demand gap compensated the external demand overhang. Moreover,
countries seeking to repress wages for domestic reasons should not join
currency unions if they are not able or willing to convince all the others
to do the same. Even worse, Germany has agreed to enter a currency union
with an inflation target of close to 2 per cent and not up to 2 per cent.
Given this target and the high correlation between unit labour costs and
inflation, it was a clear violation of the common EMU inflation target
by the German government to put enormous pressure on wage negotiations,
which resulted in a unit labour cost growth of close to zero.
Greek officials are wrong if they believe that there will be a Greek solution
inside the EMU and out of the slump. If Germany continues with belt tightening,
and there is every indication that it will, Greece would need to absolutely
cut wages far beyond the public sector that is discussed now. The result
will be deflation and depression for Europe as a whole but no Phoenix
rising from the ashes as long as correction of the overvaluation by devaluation
is impossible. But that's not only a Greek tragedy. If Europe cannot agree
on a concerted action with explicit decisions about wage adjustment paths
for many years, indeed for decades, to rebalance its trade, all of the
so-called PIIGS countries mentioned above will have to consider opting
out of the EMU. No country in the world can survive economically with
all its companies facing huge absolute disadvantages against their most
important trading partner.
* The writer is Director of the Division on Globalization
and Development Strategies at UNCTAD, Geneva, and has been deputy finance
minister of Germany at the start of EMU.
March
12, 2010.
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