A visit
to Western Europe in early March provided some slightly
different – if unsettling – insights into global economic
arrangements and their socio-cultural co-ordinates.
As the crisis unfolds, people everywhere are questioning
current economic institutions and processes, and naturally
enough their fears, insecurities and concerns also
affect their visions for the future. The fundamental
issues relate to income and resource distribution
(don’t they always?) but in this time of global crisis,
the expression of these issues can become sharper
and even more openly divisive in spirit.
Two features of some current public responses in these
societies are especially relevant in this context.
The first is the barely concealed animosity towards
China and India (inevitably clubbed together, despite
all the huge differences) as perceived beneficiaries
of globalisation and voracious consumers of global
resources. The second is the general inability to
conceive of a way out of the current global economic
crisis in any way other than simply replicating the
past, even though those past trends clearly cannot
be sustained.
European attitudes towards Asia have long been characterised
by varying combinations of fear and fascination, respect
and revulsion, competition and colonialism – as studies
of Orientalism have made only too evident. But the
current public perceptions are somewhat different:
fed by sensationalising media that cannot waste time
or space on complexities, they move in pendulum swings
from seeing populous Asia as the breeding ground for
poverty and terrorism to believing that aggressive
exporting based on underpriced labour is causing more
than two billion people to lead “middle class lives”
that draw unsustainably on the world’s resources.
Of course, sheer ignorance explains a lot. Among the
general public in Europe, and even in the more informed
sections, there is almost no realisation of how globalisation
has adversely affected livelihoods and employment
of the majority of the population in the developing
world including in fast-growing Asian countries. The
agrarian crisis is largely seen to be history, supposedly
vanquished by the rising prices of agricultural goods
in world trade between 2002 and mid 2008, even though
farmers’ incomes continue to stagnate and cultivation
is still barely viable in large parts of the developing
world. Because of the volumes of manufacturing exports
from Asia, there is still widespread perception of
shift of manufacturing jobs from North to South -
even though manufacturing employment has declined
in the developing world as a whole, has barely increased
in most countries of Asia and has actually declined
since 1997 in what is generally accepted to be the
workshop of the world, China.
A member of the audience at a public debate in London
asked whether China and India, newly enriched by exploiting
the globalization process, would therefore use the
current crisis as opportunity to ride through the
global economic tsunami that threatens to engulf everyone
else and emerge stronger than the US and Europe. A
distinguished-looking and apparently eminent elderly
gentleman at a large conference in Berlin was even
sharper: “China and India”, he claimed, “benefited
from the Asian economic crisis in 1997-98 at the cost
of their neighbours, and now they will benefit from
the global crisis”. Another participant from the floor
expressed it slightly differently: “These countries
are not poor, they are full of billionaires and have
four out of ten of the world’s richest people, and
yet they come blaming us for the crisis and demanding
assistance from us.”
These are obviously not politically correct positions,
nor are they necessarily even the majority view, since
they were opposed by other participants in each of
these events. Yet the sheer honesty of their expression
is useful, since it provides some idea of what must
be a widespread underlying perception. And the concerns
do not relate only to potential shifts in geopolitical
or economic power. Even among more progressive people
in Europe, there is a palpable fear (sometimes unspoken
and sometimes expressed only in subtle and qualified
arguments) that growing consumption of such a large
part of the world’s population will put an unbearable
strain on global resources and therefore cannot really
be supported.
There is certainly some degree of truth in this –
there is no question that current “Northern” standards
of life cannot be sustained if they were made accessible
to everyone on this planet. This means that future
economic growth in the developing world has to involve
more equitable and sensible patterns of consumption
and production. But that hardly deals with the basic
problem. Even if the elite and middle class of the
developing world, and particularly China and India,
just stopped increasing their consumption, simply
bringing the vast majority of the developing world’s
population to anything resembling a minimally acceptable
standard of living will involve extensive use of global
resources. It will necessarily imply more natural
resource use and more carbon emissions.
So the stark reality is that the developed world must,
on the whole, consume less of the world’s resources
and reduce its contribution to global warming absolutely.
This in turn has effects on income as well. It is
not immediately clear why rich countries with falling
populations necessarily need to increase their GDP,
and why they should not focus instead on internal
redistribution and changing lifestyles, which could
in fact improve the quality of life of every citizen.
The current crisis is an excellent – even unique –
opportunity to bring about such shifts in socially
created aspirations and material wants, and to reorganise
economic life in the developed world to be less rapacious
and more sustainable. But sadly, this message is not
being heard at least among the major policy makers
in the core capitalist countries. In the United States,
even the relatively environment-friendly Obama administration
simply talks about promoting “cleaner, greener technologies”
rather than altering absurd and wasteful consumption
patterns. For example, it is still basing its transport
strategy on excessive reliance on private automobile
use rather than more extensive and efficient public
transport.
In Europe, too, the focus is on reviving and increasing
the old (outdated?) patterns of consumption. Silvio
Berlusconi in Italy has just pleaded with his people
not to change their lifestyles because of this crisis,
because this would reduce economic activity immediately!
The implication is that wasteful and excessive consumption
is socially desirable because that is the only way
to preserve employment.
Globally, too, policy makers are displaying the same
startling lack of imagination. The focus is on the
US and all eyes are on the Obama recovery package,
since direct or indirect dependence on exports to
the US is so great for most countries that this is
seen as the only way for all economies to recover.
Yet the US simply cannot continue to be the engine
of world growth, given its huge external debt and
current deficit, nor is it desirable that it should
do so. This creates an inevitable and urgent need
for other economies to redirect their trade and investment,
at least at the margin. And associated with that,
it also creates an opportunity for other countries
to think about generating different, more sustainable
and possibly more desirable, consumption patterns.
Why is it that so few people, especially those in
a position to influence economic policies today, are
raising these rather obvious questions? What we do
not seem to realise is that unless we sort out these
basic issues, we will not only be marching with lemming-like
intensity and desperation to the sea, but we will
also be squabbling, fighting and even killing each
other for the privilege of getting there first.
March
24 , 2009.
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