It is ironic, to say the least, that
the IMF's financing paradigm that has often been a major factor behind
the economic problems of many lower and middle income sovereign borrowers
since 1982, has landed the Fund itself in a financial crisis. It is now
official - so far, the IMF's financial well-being has depended on it being
unsuccessful in its primary mission, which is to prevent financial crises.
This is what the Committee to study the sustainable long-term financing
of the IMF has proclaimed in its final report submitted recently.[1]
The Committee has criticised the IMF's existing financing model, which
relies primarily on interest income derived from lending to fund the whole
range of Fund's activities - a point that has been highlighted by international
debt analysts since the early 1990s.
IMF Chief Rodrigo Rato appointed the Committee headed by Andrew Crockett,
the former director-general of the Bank for International Settlements
(BIS), to recommend specific income models that would avert a cash crisis
for the global lender, whose operational income is declining as debtor
nations repay their loans early.
The current income model, which has been in place since 1981, operates
on a cost-plus basis. Thus the interest rate on credit outstanding is
set at the start of each financial year at the level needed to cover the
Fund's funding and operating costs and generate a "net-income target"
of five percent of reserves. Apart from the income earned on the Fund's
reserves (SDR 6 billion, which were recently invested in a separate Investment
Account), the main source of income has thus been the charges and fees
on Fund credit financed from the General Resources Account (GRA). The
latter covers the provision of credit mainly to middle-income member countries.[2]
The current model has thus been relying mainly on the income derived
from credit operations associated with crisis resolution to meet funding
costs, cover the expenses of running the Fund and build up reserves.
Given this financing strategy, it is no wonder that the Fund would always
insist on full repayment of its loans, even if its erroneous policy conditionalities
caused damage to its borrowers' economies. The Fund's own internal staff
reviews have acknowledged the mistakes in its loan conditionalities of
neo-liberal market reforms and public spending cuts, which have aggravated
post-crisis economic slowdown and increased the debt burden of many countries
in crisis. But, clearly, the IMF can gain financially from its errors
by extending new loans necessary to repair the economic devastation brought
about by previous loans, as has long been highlighted by several debt
analysts. Even so, financial accountability in terms of taking responsibility
for its mistakes and alleviating the drastic economic and social consequences
by accepting debt write off or even debt reduction has totally eluded
the Fund. Thus, even though both bilateral (official) and private creditors
have accepted reductions of their claims in various debt rescheduling/write-offs,
the Fund (along with other IFIs), very "rationally", continues
not to do so. On the contrary, it has always insisted on its make believe
"preferred creditor" status even as there is no legal basis
for this, and have added to the payments problems of sovereigns in crisis
.[3]
The failures of the Fund to either rectify the moral hazard problems arising
from such risk-less lending, or discard the discredited conditionalities
associated with these credit lines, or accept financial responsibility
for its policy mistakes, have therefore been central to the disengagement
of countries from the Fund. Four of IMF's major debtors namely, Argentina,
Brazil, Indonesia and Uruguay prepaid their debts over the last two years.
The Philippines became the latest sovereign in December 2006 to repay
the Fund ahead of schedule, in order to avoid future interest payments
and to declare independence from the conditionalities that take away their
policy autonomy. A rapid reduction in credit outstanding to borrowing
members has thus resulted in a drop in Fund income and a base-case projection
that it will fall further.
The Fund's Executive Board agreed in March 2006 on a two-pronged strategy
to face the financing challenges. To meet the immediate financing needs
for FY 2007, it agreed on a package of measures, including the establishment
of the Investment Account, a pause in the accumulation of reserves and
the use of the Fund's existing reserves to meet remaining income shortfalls.
An Investment Account was established in June 2006 and funded with an
amount equivalent to the Fund's reserves in order to earn extra income
from bond markets. The second and more critical long-term aspect of the
strategy is to ensure a lasting and sustainable solution to the institution's
income needs and this has been the Crockett Committee's mandate.
Major Recommendations
Funding Credit Intermediation
The Committee believes as a general principle that the income from credit
intermediation should not have the objective of continuing to fund the
whole range of IMF activities, which include the provision of public goods
and bilateral services.[4]
However, on a long-term basis, lending should yield enough to cover intermediation
costs and the accumulation of reserves, since the latter are needed to
mitigate the effects of credit losses on GRA activities. The lending rate
therefore should be set at a reasonable level in alignment with long-term
average market credit conditions. However, the Committee has also proposed
the possibility of applying a premium on the basis of the duration of
a member's borrowing, in an extension of the Fund's current practice of
charging more for programs involving higher level of access to its resources.
Such a proposal needs to be rejected outright since it would be preposterous
to impose heavier interest charges on borrower countries who continue
to be on the payroll of the Fund with a series of programs, often because
of the Fund's own ideological fixations.
Funding Public Goods
Fund's public goods provision that dominates its expenditures to the extent
of up to 44 per cent consists of global, regional and bilateral monitoring
or surveillance, as well as standards & codes and financial sector
assessments. The Committee does concede that insofar as the Fund is providing
a public good to the world economy, it is appropriate for the public good
activities to be financed by means which derive proportionately from resources
provided by all members. It has considered three potential sources of
income to provide funding for public goods: periodic charges levied on
member countries; investment operations; and the creation of an endowment.
Let us consider them here in the reverse order.
(1) In the Committee's view, income from an endowment that can be generated
in an equitable way and whose long-term real value can be preserved, could
be used to help cover administrative expenses. If the real rate of return
were, for instance 3%, each SDR 1 billion of resources would generate
SDR 30 million per year, without diminishing the real value of the endowment.
One option would be to request a one-off contribution from members to
create this endowment. However, the Committee thinks that this is an uncertain
source for the endowment due to the need for legislative approval in the
member countries.
According to the Committee, the most likely alternative source of financing
for such an endowment would be the proceeds from a limited sale of Fund
gold, which should be ring-fenced to exclude further sales. The IMF holds
3,217 tonnes of gold in total, which is carried in its balance sheet at
SDR 35 per ounce. The committee has suggested that the IMF could sell
about 400 metric tons of gold, which has a current market value of $6.6
billion based on a $500 per ounce price (an average of the gold prices
in a two-year period). Assuming a real rate of return of 3%, investment
of the proceeds from the gold sale could yield an approximate annual return
of $195 million.
The Report has recommended that the impact of gold sales on the market
could be taken care of by subjecting the sales to strong safeguards. Thus,
IMF's gold sales would need to be coordinated with the existing and possible
future central bank gold agreements to ensure that they would be accommodated
by reductions in the amounts of gold that central banks might sell under
the Central Bank Gold Agreement.
Civil society organisations across the globe have consistently argued
that the IMF's massively undervalued gold reserves should be put to productive
use to cancel the multilateral debt of the poorest countries. In 2004,
in a paper prepared by the Fund's Department of Finance at the request
of the major creditor nations, the Fund had in fact joined debt campaigners
across the globe by stating the technical feasibility of gold sales very
clearly and saying that these resources could be spent on the cancellation
of developing country debt.[5]
However, the subsequent IMF board meeting saw this proposal quashed.
In the light of this rejection earlier by the major IMF shareholders of
the proposal to use gold sales to fund debt cancellation, the Crockett
Committee's proposal to use gold sales to fund IMF's administrative expenditure
is a definite contradiction and is totally indefensible. The other contradiction
is that while the Committee has clearly suggested that "public goods,
by definition, cannot be financed by market mechanisms", its suggestions
for financing are both market-based.
(2) Thus, the other major recommendation of the Committee is that the
Fund could generate additional revenue by relaxing the restrictive mandate
on the investment of its reserves, which is currently more conservative
than those of the World Bank and other AAA-rated multilateral development
banks (MDBs). The World Bank, for instance, can invest in government and
agency obligations (AA- and above), asset-backed securities (AAA only),
and time deposits with commercial banks. Based on returns achieved at
the MDBs on their portfolios of liquid investments, the Committee believes
that a reserve portfolio of SDR 6 billion under "normal market conditions"
would produce an additional income of SDR 30 million. Similarly, it is
recommended that a portion of the currencies subscribed by member countries
can also be invested in higher-yielding marketable interest-bearing securities.
The Committee does acknowledge that returns from both these types of investments
would depend on conditions in the capital markets at the time. Further,
since the quota resources used to fund market investment might be needed
at any point of time for lending to member countries, a portion of the
portfolio may need to be liquidated at short notice, which may in fact
result in losses. Thus, by its own admission, the expansion of investment
activities of the Fund in the capital markets would not provide a stable
source of income, contradicting what the Committee holds forth as an essential
characteristic of the income flow required to fund public goods. Further,
this income model is untenable in supporting the Fund's lender-of-last
resort role.
More crucially, whether managing investments using funds from an endowment
or reserves and quota resources, once the Fund begins investing in the
capital markets in a major way, there could be a conflict of interests
between IMF's role as a global financial supervisor and stabiliser and
its need to maximise its own investment income. The potential for such
a conflict of interests is indeed mentioned in passing by the Report.
The Committee believes that this concern can be removed or alleviated
by "outsourcing investment activities (as is currently done for the
Investment Account) or by establishing appropriate Chinese walls"
in case the investment activity is undertaken internally.
However, there are two processes that need to be considered while assessing
the implications of the IMF becoming an investor in the international
capital markets. It is evident that countries are increasingly liberalising
their financial markets internally and externally, and there is an increased
reliance on capital markets for their financing needs. It should also
be remembered that the relatively higher capital requirements prescribed
by Basel II under several categories of lending are projected to both
reduce private bank lending to developing and less developed countries,
as well as increase their borrowing costs. This could increase their reliance
on the capital markets further.
With active IMF involvement in the capital markets as an investor, even
if the Fund would be theoretically de-linking itself from the investment
decisions through outsourcing, it is difficult to imagine that the "rationality"
of the Fund's professional investment managers would be different from
that of a large investment fund or pension fund manager, for whom the
investment decisions and risk (and therefore, returns) go hand-in-hand.
It is well known how various emerging country capital markets have been
subjected to manipulations by these foreign institutional investors, who
bring in and take out very large amounts of money according to their whims
and fancies. Therefore, with a heavy reliance on unstable international
private capital inflows together with an interest rate shock, developing
countries could find themselves in a situation similar to that of the
early 1980s and in need of the support of IMF funding. Thus, the entry
of the Fund as an investor in the capital markets would give rise to severe
conflicts of interests, which could even possibly get emerging market
economies indebted to the Fund again![6]
(3) The Report begins by stating that the burden of supporting the Fund's
public goods provision should be spread broadly in proportion to quotas,
rather than being put on a subset of members - the developing country
borrowers. In complete contradiction to this stated objective in looking
for alternative income models, the Committee rejects the suggestion to
collect annual or other periodic levies from its members in proportion
to their quotas, as the UN and the OECD do. It is suggested that periodic
levies on Fund members may not be a practical way of financing the Fund's
public good activities. The argument is that since such levies would,
in most countries, be subject to parliamentary approval, this would subject
the Fund's expenditures to national budgetary procedures, which in turn
would threaten the independence of the Fund's policy advice. Given that
the UN does not find itself facing such a constraint, this argument put
forth by the Committee to reject quota-based periodic levies obviously
stands on tenuous grounds.
Funding Bilateral Services
The recommendation in the case of financing bilateral services is to impose
charges for such services.
The use of technical assistance and capacity building services offered
by the Fund are relatively more utilised by the lower income and poor
countries. Since the Committee recommends that donors should help to defray
the costs for countries unable to afford these charges, this can be seen
to have both a positive and negative impact. Those countries who have
donors backing them in their capacity building efforts might be worse
off as, they find themselves burdened with some more conditionalities
or orthodox policymaking, as is happening presently. On the other hand,
those poor countries that do not find donor support to pay for these Fund
services might be better off, since they would escape policy indoctrination
entrench ed in the rigid neo-liberal framework.
Conclusion
To the extent that the Fund's search for sustainable income streams breaks
the totally illogical link between its interest income on lending to countries
in distress and its revenue base, alternative income models should be
welcomed. However, one finds that there are inherent contradictions in
the Crockett Committee's suggestions, which make most of them not only
untenable, but even harmful for the global financial system. Crucially,
since the markets cannot be imagined to replace the Fund's lender-of-last
resort role,[7]
which is the fundamental rationale for its continuing existence,[8]
the market-based income models put forth by the Committee that
offer unsteady income solutions to the IMF's financial crisis are unacceptable.
March 2, 2007.
[1] See page 5 of ‘Final Report, Committee to Study Sustainable
Long-Term Financing of the IMF', January 31, 2007, downloaded from http://www.imf.org/external/np/oth/2007/013107.pdf
[2] The Fund's credit to its low-income country members
takes place largely through a separate trust (the PRGF-ESF Trust) at subsidized
interest rates and does not contribute to the Fund's income.
[3] On the contrary, the IMF actually has a statutory
duty to reduce their claims. The IMF has even published this fact on its
own homepage. See Kunibert Raffer, 2004, International Financial Institutions
and Financial Accountability, Ethics & International Affairs, Volume
18, Number 2.
[4] See Tables 1 and 2 in Annex 5 of the Report for two
types of classifications of the Fund's expenditures. The Crockett Committee's
proposed classification of IMF activities in Table 3, namely, global public
goods, credit intermediation (consisting of both GRA credit and facilities
to low-income countries such as PRGF-ESF, HIPC and MDRI) and bilateral
services (technical assistance and external training), is far more logical
than the existing Fund classification.
[5] See EURODAD, CIDSE, AFRODAD, Jubilee USA Network and
Halifax Initiative Joint Final Policy Brief "Sell IMF Gold to Cancel
the Debt: Decision time is now", 13 April 2005.
[6]Clearly, this could change the baseline projection
that the IMF's intermediation income would full in the future.
[7] There is an argument that sovereigns may no longer
need Fund credit since the current spread charged over the risk-free rate
(108 basis points) is not significantly lower than the spread for commercial
debt. The latter is currently just 184 basis points using JPMorgan's emerging
market bond index. Further, unlike IMF loans, it comes with no policy
strings attached. (See Financial Times, December 31, 2006). However, what
is being missed by such analysis is that for countries facing any financial
distress, markets will not offer these interest rates. Indeed, market
funding will not even be available to sovereigns in distress.
[8] Clearly, this would be minus the policy conditionalities,
since there is no rationale for their continuation. Further, the IMF's
own role in crisis management should be re-looked at, when organisations
such as a revamped Bank for International Settlements (BIS) with developing
country and LDC participation, could also possibly undertake the crisis-lending
role.
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