A century
ago, it was the siren of the East in western eyes,
attracting the usual colonial mix of gold-diggers
and carpet baggers, and becoming an international
symbol of corruption and exploitation, ill-gotten
gains and fickle fortunes. Some decades later it was
a cradle of the Chinese Revolution, the birthplace
of the Communist Party of China in 1921. Today the
international gold rush is once again evident in Shanghai,
as profit-seeking businesses from all over the world
flock to a vastly different but even more fascinating
city.
The origins of Shanghai reflected its early character
of international degradation. After the Chinese defeat
in the First Opium War in 1842, the British quickly
used the terms of their victory to establish a trading
port on the Yangtze River Basin, at the site of what
was then little more than a large fishing village.
Other foreigners like the French quickly followed,
and the city became the base for the rapidly growing
trade in opium, silk and tea.
The term "den of vice" was probably invented
to describe Shanghai at that time, as it became a
byword for decadence. The essentially colonial foreign
business presence, reinforced by the power of the
European (and later American) troops positioned there,
encouraged the proliferation of opium dens, gambling
houses and prostitution. By the early part of the
20th century, the oppression of Chinese workers in
Shanghai was worse than even the most extreme stereotype,
with the persistence of child labour in slave-like
conditions in the most unsavoury activities, the routine
degradation of ordinary men and women and the fierce
suppression of any kind of workers' resistance.
So it was not surprising that Shanghai became a breeding
ground for revolutionary thought and produced many
of the future leaders of the Communist Party. Radical
opinion of all sorts has dominated in Shanghai – the
now infamous Gang of Four had their power base here
during the Cultural Revolution in the 1970s. (Even
now, incidentally, much of the top leadership of the
Chinese Communist Party tends to come from this city,
including former President Jiang Zemin and Premier
Zhu Rongji.)
But now the city is the emblem of another kind of
radicalism – the aggressive economic expansion that
characterises the new China. It has become the glittering
and showy archetype of the results of massive state
investment in infrastructure combined with active
encouragement to private investment. The emphasis
until recently was on manufacturing, but increasingly
the city also seeks to rival Hong Kong by diversifying
into a range of services including finance.
The sheer visual impact of the city is astounding
even if not beautiful, and it is clearly intended
to astound. Shanghai today is a megalopolis of futuristic
skyscrapers and other high-rise buildings held together
by a vast network of state-of-the-art motorways. The
skyline is as spectacular as that of Manhattan, and
even more eager to invite the visitor's gaze. Tourist
boat rides along the Huangpu river in the evenings
provide images of the main centre of the city lit
up in gaudy colours that highlight the outlines of
the surrounding buildings, creating the impression
of a city at once brash and self-confident, yet also
anxious to attract attention.
And attention – of an international kind – it is certainly
receiving. Shanghai is clearly the place to be for
multinational capital today: it is hard to think of
a major global brand name that is not jostling for
space among the neon billboards or vying for offices
to rent in the new edifices that are continuously
emerging.
Much of the skyline is new. Most of Shanghai's recent
expansion is very recent, dating from the early 1990s
when the government decided to develop the hitherto
barren area of Pudong which lies to the east of the
Huangpu River. Pudong is now full of glitzy ultra
modern buildings and commercial centres that compete
with the most opulent anywhere in East Asia. Even
the new public buildings in the older parts of the
city – such as the Shanghai Museum – display an architectural
audacity that is very 21st century. The older colonial
style buildings lining the famous "Bund"
along the river now seem less like the symbols of
Shanghai's complicated past, and more like dowager
old ladies bemusedly watching the frenetic development
disco being performed all around them.
The central area around People's Square is chock a
block with shopping malls and spanking new office
buildings, and the new prosperity is only too evident.
The region round Shanghai has grown much more rapidly
than the rest of China in the past decade, and per
capita income is currently estimated be slightly more
than double the national average of $1000 per year.
The signs of recent wealth and ballooning consumption
are everywhere, from the endless and varied restaurants
where huge amounts of food are routinely (and almost
compulsorily) wasted by diners, to the split air conditioners
attached outside almost every window even in the workers'
housing complexes, to the gargantuan cars clogging
even the very wide streets, to the range of High Street
goods on offer in shops that could be anywhere in
the developed world.
Across the city, construction continues at a breathless
pace. Local residents joke that the official bird
of the region is the crane, and indeed it is difficult
to turn one's eyes in any direction and avoid seeing
that ubiquitous indicator of ongoing construction
activity. Despite the absence of greenery, it would
be wrong to describe it as a concrete jungle, since
a jungle is a more messy, unplanned and varied environment.
Shanghai, by contrast, is highly regulated, with little
of the chaotic informal sector activity that multiplies
and messes up the streets in other large metros. In
fact, it is one of the cleanest cities in the developing
world, reflecting not only regulation but also the
greater civic sense of its residents.
The massive infrastructure expansion extends well
beyond Shanghai to the enveloping regions of Jiangsu
and Zhenang provinces. A trip out of Shanghai by road
can extend for several hundred kilometres revealing
very little farmland and instead only contiguous industrial
areas served by gleaming motorways and filled with
extensive housing settlements for workers.
If all this seems to have relatively little to do
with Communism as it is generally understood, it is
certainly very much part of an aggressively expansionist
development model that has already been experimented
with, especially in other parts of east Asia.
Jakarta in Indonesia, for example, expanded upwards
in a rapid fashion in the 1980s, with infrastructure
growth both fuelled by and fuelling the state-led
export-oriented manufacturing boom that led to a huge
shift of the workforce within less than a generation.
But Jakarta's growth was never as regulated, and that
particular overall development strategy came to an
abrupt and cathartic end during the East Asian crisis,
from which the economy of Indonesia has still not
fully recovered. In consequence, Jakarta's woes now
resemble those of other third world cities, with overburdened
infrastructure, inadequate public services and substantially
underemployed urban workforce.
So this is a strategy that involves high risks even
as it delivers apparently enormous material benefits
very quickly; presumably the Chinese government is
aware of at least some of these risks although others
can be more difficult to predict. And it is also true
that the socio-economic base on which this material
expansion in Shanghai is occurring is very different,
with a much more egalitarian income distribution at
the start of this process, and a more generally educated
workforce, especially in this part of China.
The different social nature – the legacy of what could
now be called the Communist past – is evident in the
Shanghai Book Store, the largest book shop in the
city and probably one of the largest anywhere in the
world. Located on a road full of book shops, it still
amazes with its breadth and range. Its massive seven
floors are full of an enviable variety of books on
all subjects, including literature, philosophy and
social sciences along with the more obvious technocratic
disciplines, written in or translated into Chinese.
And all of these floors on a normal working day are
also full of people, mostly quite young. The very
fact that such a bookshop can exist, and be so full
of mainly young people, is actually a wonderful comment
on the society: that it has produced educated people
who are willing to read books in sufficient numbers,
and also have the incomes to buy these books.
If this is indeed the case, then the future may hold
different and more varied possibilities for Shanghai's
inhabitants than are currently projected by the material
expansion alone. For that to happen, of course, the
life of the city will have to go beyond what seems
to be its current intoxicated obsession with growth.
July 12, 2005.
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