To
kick off 2011, the Obama administration has had the
audacity to file suit at the World Trade Organisation
(WTO) against China's policies to build green technologies.
This action is deeply flawed. The US should not try
to beat China down, but should pursue its own green
jobs policy and reform the WTO, so the rules allow
countries to combat climate change.
The United States and China are the world's largest
emitters of the greenhouse gases. Together and separately,
each nation should be doing all it can to develop
clean technologies to mitigate and adapt to climate
change.
That is not how the Obama administration has seen
it. Repeatedly, at United Nations climate negotiations,
the US has said that it will do little to combat climate
change unless China does. Moreover, the US has stated
it will not provide any financial assistance to China
to help reduce emissions. With no US support, China
was left to its own devices.
Fortunately, the government rose to the challenge.
In 2009, China added more wind power than any other
country, including the United States. China already
has the largest solar thermal capacity in the world
and now leads the world in installed renewable energy
capacity.
The US claims that such impressive feats have been
achieved in part by the establishment of a green fund
that helps firms make wind power equipment, with the
stipulation that some parts be sourced from Chinese
firms. If the WTO finds that China's green fund targets
only specific sectors, that such funds are conditioned
on sourcing to local firms, and that the funds are
channelled to trade activities that harm US firms
and workers, then China may indeed be found in violation
of the WTO rules.
But if that does prove to be the case, China should
not be seen as the problem. The problem is the WTO.
Every nation should be given all the policy space
they need to develop technologies to mitigate and
adapt to climate change in a manner that creates jobs
and harnesses development. Included in that space
should be precisely these types of conditional requirements
that have allowed China (like the US before it) to
build its domestic capacity for economic development.
The use of climate-altering fossil fuels distorts
trade. Subsidising alternatives can correct those
distortions. Oil and coal prices seldom reflect their
environmental costs and are thus overproduced. The
World Bank's 2010 world development report reckons
that fossil fuel subsidies amount to at least $300bn
per year. If prices reflected true costs, then much
less polluting trade would occur and renewable energy
would be on a more even playing field.
Subsidies to renewable energy, such as wind power,
can help correct the distortions in the energy market
and allow the world to climb the learning curve for
renewable forms of energy. This brings major expansion
of production and reduction in unit costs, which benefit
everyone economically, including US consumers, while
also saving the planet.
There should be room for such market-correcting subsidies
in the WTO, and such subsidies should be linked to
jobs and development. As I discuss in a report with
Francisco Aguayo, there may be a window at the WTO
for subsidies for alternative energy. Developed countries
saw to it that the subsidies agreement at the WTO
left room to support research and development, regional
inequality and environmental protection. This window
closed in 2000, but is under review in the (stalled)
round of WTO talks, and could be expanded.
What is more, the record shows that nations such as
Great Britain and the United States in the 19th century,
and Japan and South Korea in the 20th, all used policies
to foster domestic industry, as China does now, in
order to promote development. Albert Cho and Navroz
Dubash point out that the US rural electrification
administration in the 1930s favoured domestic firms
to electrify the US countryside.
Today, renewable portfolio standards in certain US
states that are linked to US firms may also be questionable
under WTO rules. And US department of energy's support
for renewables in 2010 was $3.8-$5.3bn.
None of this is wrong. Such policies should be ramped
up across the globe. The US is understandably concerned
about lost jobs. Really, though, it should be more
concerned with its own weak job-creating green investments.
Rather than beating on the Chinese, the US should
follow China's lead and build its own green industrial
strategy.
In The Audacity of Hope, Barack Obama wrote:
"Indeed, countries that have successfully developed
under the current international system have at times
ignored Washington's rigid economic prescriptions
by protecting nascent industries and engaging in aggressive
industrial policies."
It's time to practise what is preached.
This article was originally published
in the Guardian, 6 January, 2011.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/jan/06/china-renewableenergy
January
7, 2011.
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