The
turnaround was near complete. A year back the annual
World Economic Forum meeting at Davos of political,
social and business leaders was overcome with gloom.
This year, most participants were complacent, if not
upbeat.
Last year's gloom was directly related to America's
seemingly unsustainable current account and budgetary
deficits that were widening because of a consumption
splurge induced by the wealth bonanza that a speculative
housing boom was delivering. To finance those deficits
the US was relying on inflows of the large foreign
exchange surpluses accumulating in countries like
China and India, who seemed to be growing wary of
their excessive dollar exposure. A dollar crash and
the end of the American bubble seemed a real possibility.
If that did transpire a global slow down and even
recession could be the outcome. Last year's gloom
was attributable to the fact that with the US unwilling
to make the adjustments needed to correct its twin
deficits and the rest of the world reluctant to take
on the burdens of adjustment an engineered 'soft-landing'
seemed an unlikely possibility.
Fortunately, the expected crash has not yet come,
providing more time to work out a solution. But the
dominant mood in Davos this year was to underplay
the problem. Those like Stephen Roach, the Chief Economist
of Morgan Stanley, who refused to argue that the problem
had gone away, were dismissed as perennial pessimists
who never learn. The lesson from the past year, it
was argued, was that while imbalances exist, they
are not of the crisis-producing kind. The unusual
''equilibrium'' in the global economy was sustainable,
even though it possibly needs correction. In the end
the battle was won by those like Laura Tyson, Dean
of the London Business School, who in noncommittal
fashion predicted that there ''was a good chance of
another goldilocks year'' – neither too hot nor too
cold, so that the world can muddle through with a
reasonable rate of growth and no calamity.
The perception of the temporal optimists was sought
to be strengthened by reference to the currently popular
choices as global winners: India and China. These
two countries are seen as the source of the solution
in two rather divergent ways. To start with, buoyancy
in India and China are expected to provide the demand
to spur global growth and substitute for the US consumption
splurge when it registers a much needed decline. Recently
released data establishes China as the fourth largest
economy in the world, which the Chinese vice premier
Zeng Peiyan promises will keep growing. "Over
the next five years, China's development will bring
more opportunities to the rest of the world,"
Zeng reportedly said. "The total import of commodities
alone is expected to exceed $4 trillion."
This view was advanced forcefully by Jim O'Neill,
the chief economist of Goldman Sachs. Citing estimates
which showed that a third of total global domestic
demand over the past five years originated in the
BRIC group of countries (Brazil, Russia, India and
China), he argued that these countries would be able
to cover any reduction in consumption spending in
the US. He is quoted as having optimistically held
that the world is today in a position to ''cope with
a US slowdown better than at any time over the past
decade.". In particular, growth based on higher
technology is expected to create more big spenders
in these economies who would generate the jobs in
the US and Europe to neutralise the effects of the
offshoring boom on developed country employment.
The second way, in which China and India, especially
the former, are seen as being able to contribute to
global adjustment is through the appreciation of their
undervalued currencies. Such adjustment would reduce
the bilateral trade surplus that China has with the
US by making its exports more expensive and cheapening
imports from the US. In fact, the US chose to campaign
for such a process of adjustment. According to reports,
when speaking at a panel session, the US undersecretary
of the Treasury for International Affairs, Tim Adams,
held that a big question for the IMF was "what
do you do with countries that are attempting to thwart
balance of payments adjustments"
As of now the managing director of the International
Monetary Fund, Rodrigo Rato, seems unwilling to fall
in line and serve as a tool for the international
economic designs of the US. "There is a trade-off
between our role as confidential adviser in our surveillance
work and our role as transparent judge ... I think
that trade-off is well balanced," he reportedly
argued. But this was not because he, and presumably
his organisation were not in agreement on the need
for appreciation of the Chinese yuan. It was because
he felt that the Chinese were complying. Noting that
the IMF had been among the first to publicly advocate
a move away from a fixed peg, he expressed satisfaction
that China was moving in that direction: "We
like what they did this summer, but they have to let
it work."
In sum, the complacence generated by the unrealized
forecast from Davos 2005 that global imbalances are
likely to lead to a growth slow down is being used
to locate the source of the global imbalances problem
outside the US and transfer the burden of adjustment
to the rest of the world. Those who were calling for
immediate action, including from the US, were in a
minority. Stephen Roach reportedly raised a note of
caution about ''a dangerous degree of complacency,''
since ''out of complacency comes the surprise that
does most damage to global markets and economies.''
But there were few takers.
Having set aside the threat of a global recession,
the focus shifted to the seemingly never ending potential
of new technology to deliver profits. According to
official Forum figures, among the more than 2,340
participants from 89 countries, were 735 who were
chairmen, chief executives or chief financial officers
of their companies. Betting on technology to raise
profits either through innovation or by reducing costs
through offshoring, they exuded a confidence that
strengthened the overall air of complacency. Such
confidence also came from the belief that better performance
in EU countries and Japan and sustained buoyancy in
China and India would spur global demand which they
could exploit with facilities located at home and
abroad. To legitimise the forecast link between technology
and profit, much was made of the benefits that can
flow from science to the rest of the world, as for
example by reducing the world's oil dependency.
There seem to be others who are interested in a technology
focus. Beleaguered by a never-ending war in Iraq that
cannot be won, and days after the Davos meet came
to end, President Bush took up the baton in his State
of the Union address. Pointing to the threat from
new competitors like China and India and dangers of
dependence on imports from ''unstable'' parts of the
world, he pledged to spend $50 billion on research
aimed at strengthening US competitiveness. Among his
stated priorities is research into alternative energy,
aimed at dealing with the problem that: ''America
is addicted to oil, which is often imported from unstable
parts of the world.'' His target is to replace 75
per cent of Middle East oil imports by 2025.
The $50 billion pledge would help double federal spending
on research in the sciences and harness US talent
and creativity by the training of 70,000 new science
and mathematics teachers. According to one estimate,
the full cost of the competitiveness initiatives would
be $136 billion over 10 years, of which the remaining
$86 billion would come from the cost of an additional
proposal to make permanent the tax credits for private
sector research and development. Bush manages to achieve
his tax cut objectives even while pursuing technological
superiority of the kind that the world leaders endorsed
at Davos.
Were there no problems and dangers discussed at Davos
then? There were: terrorism, an oil-price spike, natural
disasters and a bird-flu pandemic among them. Interestingly,
in keeping with its effort to focus on areas that
are not in its remit, the World Economic Forum spent
much energy discussing the last of these. Holding
the view that the avian flu has the potential to develop
into a global pandemic as devastating as the Black
Death of the 14th century, a report released at Davos
argued that: "An outbreak of H5NI [avian flu]
human to human transmission could have devastating
impacts globally across all social and economic sectors,
disrupting efficient processes, severely degrading
response capabilities and exacerbating the effects
of known weaknesses in different systems." While
this is no doubt an important global problems, it
also serves to deflect attention from the main problems
that should concern a Davos-style meet.
Where does India stand in all this? Indian delegates
at Davos seem to have been driven by two, perhaps
even conflicting, objectives. The first was to play
down the image that India was a haven for cheap labour
waiting to be exploited by offshoring initiatives.
The idea was to declare that the country was emerging
as a technological leader with a global manufacturing
presence. According to the Financial Times, London,
business delegates from India were arguing that the
country was not simply an offshore back-office and
software service centre but an emerging manufacturing
power.
The second was to declare that India was a better
investment destination than China, which does not
have a monopoly over manufacturing. Rather, India
was presented as developing technology-related manufacturing
in which it could establish an advantage over China,
with its focus on cheap mass production. "If
you want to make Barbie dolls, don't come to India,"
Anand Mahindra, vice-chairman of Mahindra & Mahindra
reportedly declared. Many also read a not to veiled
reference to China in one of the hoardings advertising
India's attractiveness: "India, the preferred
democracy for global investors." As Jeremy Warner
of The Independent put it: ''If that's not a side
swipe at China, I don't know what is.''
Everybody at Davos seemed to have fingers to point
and a clear direction in mind.
February 4, 2006.
|