Fears
of a new speculative boom on which the global recovery
rides are being expressed in different circles. There
are as many aspects to these fears as there are to
the so-called recovery, which include the huge profits
being recorded by some major banking firms, the surge
in capital flows to emerging markets, the speculative
rise in stock markets' values worldwide and the property
boom in much of Asia. Potential victims of the reversal
of this boom, however, now complain that the source
of it all is a return in the US to a policy of easy
money—involving huge liquidity infusions and extremely
low interest rates—to save the financial system and
real economy from collapse, while resorting to a fiscal
stimulus to trigger a recovery. A similar policy was
and is being adopted by many other countries, even
if not with the same intensity in all cases, but the
US, which was home to the most toxic assets and damaged
banks, led by a long margin.
This policy did generate the signals that suggested
that economies were on the mend. But these are also
signs, argue some, of a bubble similar to the one
which generated the high profits and the credit-financed
housing and consumer-spending boom that preceded the
2008 downturn. That dangers associated with that bubble
were ignored because of the short-run growth benefits
it delivered. This one could be ignored because of
the impression of a recovery it generates. Even as
satisfaction is being expressed in some quarters about
the recovery, however halting, fears of a second downturn
or double dip recession are being expressed in other
circles. Thus, just before the US President Barack
Obama arrived in Beijing on his much-publicised visit
to China, that country's banking regulator, Liu Mingkang,
criticised the US Federal Reserve for fuelling global
speculation by adopting a loose money policy to save
financial firms. This view was soon espoused also
by Wolfgang Schauble who criticised the US Federal
Reserve's role in fuelling the dollar carry-trade,
which involved borrowing dollars at low interest rates
to invest in higher yielding assets outside the US.
Investors resorting to such trades not only benefit
from the spread between the low interest rates on
the borrowing and the higher yield on their investment,
but also from the depreciation of the dollar in the
interim, which requires, say, fewer euros to buy the
dollars needed to repay the original loan.
The direct and indirect links between the fiscal stimulus,
a loose money policy and the revival of bank profitability
is well known. Directly, a part of the "stimulus"
involved using tax payer's money to invest in banks
or institutions like insurance giant AIG. The former
kept banks solvent even when they were writing off
bad assets, while the latter helped non-bank institutions
meet commitments on failed assets, without which banks
and other financial firms would have been driven to
bankruptcy. In addition, the government had implicitly
picked up a chunk of the bad debts of financial firms
seen as too-big-to-fail by offering guarantees that
sustained their value on the books of banks. The initial
return to profitability that this ensured seemed to
have improved the market value of bank equity, making
it appear that the government may in fact recoup or
even make money on its investments in bank capital.
But as economist Dean Baker had noted some time back:
"This is a case of money going into one pocket but
out of the other one; that's not the way that most
investors make money." No less a person than George
Soros told the Financial Times (24 October 2009) that
the profits made by some of Wall Street's leading
banks are "hidden gifts" from the state,
and taxpayer resentment on this count is "justified".
But state support for the banks did not end here.
The Federal Reserve chipped in with the easy money
policy mentioned above, which helped drive short-term
interest rates to near zero. In the event banks could
ride the sharp yield curve, borrowing cheap and investing
in more long-term assets that offered higher returns.
Some of these, like government bonds, were low risk
investments offering returns of 3 per cent-plus, and
the net interest margin that the government was handing
out to the banks was a sure way of making them record
profits.
But clearly, the banks, especially investments banks
like Goldman Sachs, were not going to stop here. Rather
they chose to go further and use this cheap money
to speculate in stock, commodity and property markets,
wherever they appeared profitable. Though this was
more risky, the bets were likely to pay off for four
reasons. First, even within the US the stock market
was at a low, with much-fallen price earnings ratios.
Any improvement in corporate profits as a result of
the fiscal stimulus would improve stock prices, so
investing in the market was seen as safer than it
was in a long time. Second, this was true even of
commodity markets like oil and food, and there were
always commodities which had not been through that
cycle and were ripe for a boom, including gold which
would only rise if the dollar weakens because of the
excess dollar liquidity that was being pumped into
the global economy. Third, many emerging markets were
affected less or hardly at all by the recession, making
their stock, bond and property markets attractive
destinations for investors with access to cheap money.
Finally, the rush of capital to these markets in itself
fuels a boom that attracts more capital inflows and
fuels a speculative spiral.
The consequence of these moves has been stunning profits
for some financial firms, especially Goldman Sachs,
and reasonable returns for others. We are also witnessing
a return of the controversy surrounding bonus payments
and high compensation provided to managers of banks
that were rescued with tax payers' money. Moreover,
financial markets that had slumped have now revived
with emerging markets witnessing a boom in some cases.
Commodity prices are also once again buoyant, and
property markets outside the US are experiencing sharp
price increases. There are two ways to interpret these
trends. One is to treat them as symptoms of the end
of the crisis and the beginnings of a recovery. The
other is to see them as the signs of a new bubble.
Thus far the former view has dominated.
Needless to say, the cheap money that was pumped into
the system has helped shore up real demand, which
together with the fiscal stimulus has ensured that
downturn has touched bottom and some economies are
showing signs of a revival. In fact, in emerging markets
and countries like China the inflow of liquidity and
the local fiscal stimulus helped partly neutralise
the adverse effects of an export slowdown on growth.
But now fears are being expressed and responses are
being sought on a number of counts. One of course
is evidence of a so-called "correction" in developed
country stock markets since March this year: the S&P
500 index has risen more than 60 per cent, while the
FTSE Eurofirst 300 has recorded a similar rise. But
this is small compared to what is happening in emerging
markets. Brazil's benchmark Bovespa index has gained
76 per cent this year; that is, in terms of the real,
the domestic currency. Those who converted dollars
into reals and returned to dollars after booking profits
gained 139 per cent as the US currency has depreciated
significantly. Such opportunities have resulted in
net inflows of a record $60 billion-plus into emerging
market equity funds, which only serves to amplify
them by driving prices further upwards. The second
sign of an actual or potential speculative boom is
the reversal of price declines in commodity markets,
which though yet not alarming, revives memories of
the fuel and food price spiral of a couple of years
back, which is seen by many as having been partly
driven by financial speculation. Oil for example is
already trading at around $80 to the barrel in US
markets. The third is evidence of a real estate bubble
in emerging markets, especially in Asia. Thus, for
example, the Financial Times (5 November 2009) reports
that in Hong Kong, prices of apartments costing more
than US$1.3m, which fell 6.2 per cent in the third
quarter of last year, and were expected to fall by
a further 40-45 per cent by the end of this year,
are now 30 per cent more expensive than at their low
point in the fourth quarter of 2008. Prices for private
homes in Singapore reportedly rose 15.8 per cent in
the third quarter relative to the second, and in China
37 per cent year-on-year. Finally, there is the global
surge in gold prices as investors rush into the metal
because of fears of a dollar decline. Gold is trading
at around $1170 an ounce.
Put all this together and an emerging story of a new
speculative boom and a fresh bubble driven by finance
capital cannot be dismissed. As a result, there are
growing fears of a second collapse. The liquidity
created by the Federal Reserve is increasing the overhang
of dollars in the world economy making investors more
concerned about the likely depreciation of the value
of the dollar. If they choose to rearrange their portfolios,
which they seem to be doing, a further depreciation
of the dollar is inevitable. If the US responds to
such depreciation by raising interest rates there
could be an exit of funds from global asset and commodity
markets outside the US triggering a collapse that
can have collateral effects that are damaging.
Besides this fear of a sudden capital exit, emerging
market countries are also worried about the effect
that a surge of dollar inflows into their economies
is having on their currencies. The resulting appreciation
is undermining their competitiveness relative to countries
that are managing to keep their currencies pegged
to the US dollar. One consequence has been a revival
of interest in capital controls, especially after
Brazil imposed a 2 per cent tax on foreign investment
in equities and bonds to dampen excess capital inflows.
Some Asian economies too are contemplating similar
measures to guard their currencies and stall a speculative
rush into financial and real estate markets.
The positive in all this is that lessons from the
crisis that were quickly forgotten are being studied
once more. Whether that would finally translate into
policies that reduce the probability of another bubble
that can go bust is, however, unclear.
December
2, 2009.
|