The
US Senate and House members recently agreed on a six-year
farm bill that would increase subsidy payments and
benefit mainly the country's biggest grain and cotton
farmers. While claiming to promote free trade through
the WTO, the US and EU have been protecting their
farmers with subsidies that are "non-violative"
because they are ostensibly non-trade distorting.
In actual fact, American agricultural policy distorts
food prices, frustrates innovation, limits product
diversity and subsidises a select group of farmers
at enormous public cost. Its inherent protectionist
qualities confound American efforts to reduce protectionism
abroad and gain access to new markets. However, while
the EU is up in arms, protesting against the rise
in subsidies in the US, it itself is guilty of subsidising
its farmers. In fact farm subsidies in the EU have
been historically much higher than those in the US.
In 1999 total support to farmers in the EU was to
the tune of US $ 126 billion. The European Union's
farm subsidies have drawn the harshest attacks from
critics, who include left-wing activists, academic
economists, World Bank officials and right-wing free-marketers.
But thanks to the farm bill that President Bush has
signed into law on May 13, U.S. agriculture policy
may rival Europe's as the most reviled among experts
on Third World economies, especially since it runs
counter to the Bush administration's free-trade rhetoric.
The provisions of the US Farm Bill 2002 include:
- SUBSIDY PAYMENTS:
It raises subsidy payments to large cotton and grain
farmers, without the significant payment limits
passed by the Senate. To restrict payments to the
wealthy farmers, the Senate wanted to limit subsidy
payments to US $ 275,000 per farmer. However, after
negotiations, the limit was raised to US $ 360,000,
that too with enough exceptions to make the limit
symbolic.
- CONSERVATION PAYMENTS:
It dedicates $17 billion over 10 years to preserve
farmland, save wetlands and improve water quality
and soil conservation on farms.
- FOOD STAMPS: It increases
food stamp benefits for working American families
and restores the rights of legal immigrants to receive
them.
- DAIRY PROGRAMME:
It creates a new national $1.3 billion dairy program
to replace the lapsed Northeast dairy compact.
- FOOD LABELLING: It
requires that starting in two years all meat and
fish produce be labelled with its country of origin.
The Bill is estimated to cost more than US $100 billion
during the next six years and $180 billion over a
10-year period, though many budget experts believe
the expenditure will be even higher. This marks a
complete reversal of the attempt made by the US Congress
six years ago, through the 1996 Freedom to Farm Law,
to eliminate subsidies and let the market dictate
prices and production levels. Agricultural spending
is expected to swell by nearly 80 per cent over the
cost of existing programmes. While US $17 billion
has been dedicated over the next decade to preserve
farmland, save wetlands and improve water quality
and soil conservation on working farms, bulk of the
money will go to subsidise the inefficient rich farmers
of the United States.
The Senate agreed to lower the demand for spending
on conservation programmes from US $ 21 billion to
US $ 17 billion. Though, as a compromise, it managed
to include in the farm bill increased spending on
food stamps, an expanded nutrition programme and restoration
of entitlement of legal immigrants to food stamps.
The amount budgeted for this purpose is US $ 6.4 billion.
This seems to be the only part of the bill that is
going to help the relatively marginalised sections
of the population.
However, it is the rich farmers who walked away with
most of the benefits that would accrue from the new
farm bill. Some 10 per cent of the nation's farmers
receive an overwhelming share of all subsidy payments
with three percent of the farms getting two-thirds
of the subsidies. Apart from the cotton and grain
producers, peanut farmers will get a subsidy of US
$ 3 billion. Besides, a US $ 1 billion buyout of the
old peanut price support system has been announced.
The government would pay to "buy out" many
of those same farmers and others who hold lucrative
licenses, known as quotas, to grow peanuts. Under
the current 70-year-old subsidy system, only 1.5 million
acres can be used for planting peanuts for domestic
consumption, and the quotas to farm those acres have
grown increasingly valuable. The old peanut quota
system guaranteed the producers US $610 a ton for
their peanuts. However, since signing of the NAFTA,
American peanuts are facing increasing competition
from Canadian peanut (mainly peanut butter) and Mexican
raw nuts. With the guaranteed prices being too high
compared to prices of products from these countries,
the US government has drafted a new plan under which
the government would buy up those quotas from their
owners, who could then continue growing peanuts under
the new subsidy system. Receiving a quota buyout would
not prevent a farmer from continuing to grow peanuts
or receiving federal subsidies. The bills in Congress
would treat peanuts like many other crops, setting
a "base'' amount of peanuts guaranteed to receive
a minimum price. For the first time, the taxpayers
will make up the difference if market prices are below
the guaranteed minimum.
A new dairy subsidy worth US $1.3 billion has also
been allowed for. Fruit and vegetable growers in California
however remain a neglected lot so far as farm subsidies
are concerned. While till date these growers managed
with little to nil subsidies, global competition is
now threatening to invade the markets where Californian
products are being sold.
Further the cause of small farmers has been dealt
a body blow in the US Farm Bill 2002. The proposed
subsidies are not going to improve the condition of
owners of small and medium sized plots of cultivable
land in rural America. Funds for conservation programmes
that reach small farmers have seen a US $ 5 billion
decline. The family farm has pretty much been lost,
and this bill does nothing to bring it back.
The table below provides some indication of the extent
to which US growers of different crops are subsidised.
In most crops loan rates plus direct payments add
up to more than ninety per cent of the target price.
In the US the loan rate serves as a floor price for
participating farmers in the sense that they can default
on their loan and forfeit their crop to the Commodity
Credit Corporation rather than sell it in the open
market at a lower price.
Loan Rates, Direct
Payments and Target Prices for Covered Commodities
in the US
|
Loan
Rate |
Direct Payment
|
Target
Price
|
2002-2003
|
2004-2007
|
2002-2007
|
2002-2003
|
2004-2007 |
Corn (bu) |
$1.98
|
$1.95
|
$0.28
|
$2.60
|
$2.63 |
Sorghum
(bu)
|
$1.98
|
$1.95
|
$0.35
|
$2.54
|
$2.57 |
Barley
(bu)
|
$1.88
|
$1.85
|
$0.24
|
$2.21
|
$2.24 |
Oats
(bu)
|
$1.35
|
$1.33
|
$0.024
|
$1.40
|
$1.44 |
Wheat
(bu)
|
$2.80
|
$2.75
|
$0.52
|
$3.86
|
$3.92 |
Soybeans
(bu)
|
$5.00
|
$5.00
|
$0.44
|
$5.80
|
$5.80 |
Minor
Oilseeds (lb)
|
$.0960
|
$.0930
|
$0.0080 |
$0.0980 |
$0.1010
|
Cotton (lb) |
$.5200 |
$.5200
|
$0.0667 |
$0.7240
|
$0.7240 |
Rice (cwt) |
$6.50 |
$6.50
|
$2.35
|
$10.50
|
$10.50 |
The measures are a blatant attempt to buy votes
in the Farm Belt. The payment limits have been hiked
above the Senate recommended levels. Armed with such
six-figure federal payments, large farms are driving
small farmers to the brink of extinction. Since the
last farm bill hundreds of big farmers and absentee
landlords have received millions of dollars in subsidies.
Such subsidies have often been used by the recipients
to buy out the small family farms the subsidy programme
was originally intended to save. Even Republican
lawmakers have repudiated the farm bill, saying its
lavish subsidies would bring price-crushing crop surpluses
and do little to close loopholes for the corporate
farmers who already receive roughly 80 per cent of
annual subsidies.
Farmers in just six states — Iowa, Illinois,
Texas, Kansas, Nebraska and Minnesota — will
receive almost half of these payments. Most of the
subsidies go towards corn, wheat, cotton, rice and
soybeans and the protected speciality products like
milk, sugar and peanuts. In states where these products
are not grown, most farmers are out of luck. For example,
in California only 9 percent of farmers receive subsidies;
in Florida, only 8 percent; and in New Jersey, only
7 percent.
A study by the Congressional Office of Technology
Assessment concluded, "Communities that are surrounded
by farms that are larger than can be operated by a
family have a bimodal income distribution with a few
wealthy elites, a majority of poor laborers and virtually
no middle class." Republican lawmakers have repudiated
the farm bill, saying its lavish subsidies would bring
price-crushing crop surpluses and do little to close
loopholes for the corporate farmers who already receive
roughly 80 percent of annual subsidies.
Analysts have also predicted that these huge subsidies
will have little effect in terms of lowering prices
of commodities on the supermarket shelves in the US.
The existing subsidies are partly paid for by implicitly
taxing the consumers and the remaining part is borne
by taxpayers. While there is no mention of any reduction
in the implicit tax on consumers, it has been mentioned
that the higher subsidies will mostly be borne by
taxpayers. So while there may not be any increase
in prices consumers have to pay, there is no reason
to think that prices will come down either. The grain
companies are likely to benefit the most while taxpayers
have to shell out higher taxes to pay for the hike
in farm subsidies.
Some Commodity-wise Implications
The United States is a major wheat exporting country.
In 2001-02 the country exported more than 24 million
tonnes of wheat, about a quarter of the total wheat
exports worldwide. While this is the lowest the US
has exported in 30 years (owing to falling area and
yield), the farm subsidies proposed in the Farm Bill
will no doubt propel output and hence the exportable
surplus is bound to rise. This will further depress
international wheat prices, and rule out exports from
countries which cannot subsidise their wheat producers.
In rice, the US has a share of about 12 per cent in
world exports, which, though not as high as the share
in wheat, is nevertheless significant enough to affect
world prices. In 2001-02 the US exported 2.8 million
tonnes of rice, up 50, 000 tonnes from the year before.
Corn output in the US is also expected to rise 11
million tonnes during 2002-03 as the corn growers
emerge as one of the biggest gainers from the US Farm
Bill. Export of corn from the US in 2001-02 was 49
million tonnes, and is expected to go up by another
4.5 million tonnes during the current year.
World coarse grain export is expected to be around
99 million tonnes during the current year, implying
that the US has a share of almost 60 per cent of the
world coarse grains market. Similarly out of a total
world soyabean export of about 59 million tonnes,
the share of the US is about 27.8 million tonnes,
or more than 47 per cent of the total export of soyabean.
Finally, the US produces about 20 per cent of the
world's cotton and in 2001-02 accounted for 11 million
bales (of 480 lb. each) of exports when the total
world export figure stood at 29.258 million bales.
While a fall in domestic production may not allow
the US to step up cotton exports immediately, being
a key player in the world cotton market, any change
in the exportable surplus owing to a subsidy-backed
output increase will definitely have a downward pressure
on world cotton prices in the future.
As is evident, in almost all the crops for which there
have been significant hikes in subsidies under the
US Farm Bill 2002, the US has a significant share
of the world export market. So any change in output
and exportable surplus in the US of these crops is
bound to affect availability, and hence prices of
these crops in the international market.
In his presidential campaign Mr. Bush had said that
a more market-driven approach is the best way to ensure
a strong, growing and vibrant agricultural sector
in the long run. The subsidy hikes however run contrary
to such market optimism. Australia has accused the
United States of violating WTO provisions. Warren
Truss, the Agriculture Minister of Australia has said
that the US has returned to the worst protectionist
excesses of the 1980s and has called the US Farm Bill
“an act of terror on Australian producers and
growers.”
However, the Bill has found mild support in those
Asian countries which import food items. Australia
and the US are strong rivals in wheat and cotton exports
to Asian markets and importing countries like South
Korea expect prices of US food items to fall owing
to the increased subsidies US farmers will now get.
Traders from the Philippines are hoping for lower
prices of wheat, soyabean and corn.
While the competitive advantage developing countries
will have in agriculture once all subsidies are removed
by developed countries has been repeatedly harped
on to entice developing countries into joining the
WTO, the developed world has found means to constantly
increase agricultural subsidies, ignoring or bypassing
WTO rules and regulations. Now, with even the Cairns
Group of countries, including Australia, protesting
against the US Farm Bill, it is time the developing
world puts up a united fight against such gross violations
of WTO norms by the richer countries and demands that
they fall in line. Otherwise, the inherently iniquitous
WTO regime would prove even more damaging to their
economic futures. More so if the US bill prompts other
rich countries to follow the U.S. lead and increase
farm subsidies.
May 17, 2002.
|